Berbers

When Asis and Ahmed Aynan’s mother took a flight to Morocco the other day, all the announcements were in Arabic and French. She went over to the pilot and asked him whether next time, he could do it in Berber, too. This incident, insignificant as it may seem to the average reader, in fact symbolises the frustration of many Berber Moroccans–both at home and abroad–about the neglect their culture has been experiencing for centuries.

Berbers are an ancient people who lived in Morocco long before it was Arabised. They refer to themselves as Imazighen – ‘free people’ – use the collective term Tamazight for the languages spoken by around forty per cent of the population and talk about their culture as a whole as Amazigh.

But we’re not there yet. Within Morocco there are three Berber languages spoken. In

the mountainous Rif region in the north, people speak Tarifit or Riffian. And now

we’re finally getting somewhere, because eighty per cent of Dutch Berbers, and

therefore the biggest part of Dutch Moroccans, are Riffians.

Take the Aynan brothers, for example. Second generation Riffians living in

Amsterdam, Asis (26) and Ahmed (36) – who prefers to be known by his nom de plume

Shishunk – are what you might call Berber activists. Asis is a freelance journalist

who publishes in magazines like Contrast and Passionate, while Shishunk is a

multi-talented artist who earned himself a reputation as ‘the Moroccan Wim T

Schippers’ with his play Het zijn allemaal flikkers bij de tv [‘There’s only faggots

working on TV’].

They explain how their parents came to live in the Netherlands: ‘My father left the

Rif at a very early age, looking for work elsewhere,’ says Asis. ‘The Rif had been

occupied by the Spanish and French respectively, and its population was known for

its endeavours to achieve independence. When Morocco became independent, the

authorities feared these tendencies; closed down factories and, in fact, wanted to

clear the whole area. There was simply hardly anything to eat.

‘That made my father migrate, first within Morocco, later to Algeria and finally to

Europe. In the Netherlands he worked until his retirement in several factories. My

mother and the children stayed back in the village where my parents both came from

until 1980, when the whole family was reunited in the Netherlands.’

‘I was ten years old when I came here,’ adds Shishunk. ‘Before, I would see my

father only once every one to three years.’

The brothers say that their parents had no political awareness to speak of, although

their father was a musician who played Berber (but also Arab) music and the parents

spoke Riffian with their children. They had to, because they hardly spoke anything

else themselves, apart from Darija, Moroccan Arabic, which leans heavily on Berber

languages.

Berbers battle on the internet

In recent years Amazighity has become a hot issue among young Dutch Berbers.

Websites like amzigh.nl give way to sometimes heated discussions about Berber

issues, in which Asis Aynan is a prominent participant. At the moment, he is

involved in a battle with Dutch-Moroccan author Faoud Laroui. For the Berber special

of his literary magazine Passionate, Aynan sent Laroui some questions for an

overview of the Dutch-Moroccan literary scene. The questions included things like

‘To what tribe do you belong?’ and ‘What sort of associations come to mind if you

hear the words ‘Berbers’ and ‘Arabs”? Laroui didn’t answer, but instead published

the questions in the French magazine and website Jeune Afrique, complete with his

own, very sarcastic, answers, like this one: ‘When I hear “Berbers and Arabs”, all I

hear is “artificial problem that is, unfortunately, preserved by questionnaires like

yours, my dear Aziz [sic].”

This really gets the Aynan brothers going. ‘Fouad says, in so many words, that there

are no differences between Berbers and Arabs,’ says Asis. ‘It’s the typical

mentality of an Arabised Moroccan. To me, it’s not so much about pointing out the

differences between the two peoples. I just want to show that there are people

looking for their identity.’ Shishunk adds: ‘Laroui’s reaction is painful. He

prevents people from developing themselves. He’s got this 1970s mentality. My mother

or my grandmother can’t go to a hospital or a post office because they don’t speak

Arabic or French. But Laroui says there’s no problem. He’s an idiot!’ Asis is more

diplomatic: ‘Laroui has problem about himself, but I couldn’t tell what it is.’

Faoud Laroui emailed his reaction to the brothers’ statements from Morocco, where

he’s currently lecturing: ‘I don’t feel like participating in this debate. I hope

you will respect my point of view.’ (Naturally we do, though Laroui’s opt-out seems

a bit odd, since he was the one who started the whole debate in the first place with

the column in Jeune Afrique.)

In the mean time, amazigh.nl published both Laroui’s column and Asis’ answer in

Dutch and, judging from the furious reactions of readers, Laroui has touched a

nerve. In the latest development, the French website amazighworld.org added fuel to

the flames by posting a petition under the title ‘Fouad Laroui: the hate, the racism

and much ignorance’.

The religious approach

Mohamed Azahaf takes a similar stance as Laroui, and his motivation is almost purely

religious. Azahaf (23), of Riffian descent, is staff member and spokesperson of

Argan, a youth centre on Overtoom, which offers predominantly Moroccan youngsters a

space to spend their leisure time. Also, Azahaf regularly appears in the discussion

program Zwart Wit on AT5 television. ‘I haven t been raised in an atmosphere of

Berber awareness, he says. ‘When I was two years old, my father started building a

house in Tanger, far outside the Rif, and he moved to the Netherlands at the same

time. When we go on summer holidays to Morocco, we still live in Tanger, and

occasionally we go back to our native city Nador in the Rif. My mother and I speak

Berber with each other, while she speaks Moroccan Arabic with my brothers and

sisters.

Azahaf doesn t deny he s a Berber. ‘And I do understand these activists. If you look

at the situation in the Rif today, with its disastrous infrastructure and bad

economy, it is quite understandable, even legitimate, that people come into

resistance. But here, in this country, nobody suppresses you, and although I think

it s important that you are aware of your Berberness, there are more important

issues to attend to.

As an example, Azahaf stresses the importance of such issues as poverty and social

isolation. But his real agenda is a religious one, as he declares whole-heartedly:

‘I am a Muslim, and as such a very religious person. I find that much more important

than my Berber identity. If you would ask me who I am, I d say I m a Muslim

cosmopolite. God will judge me on my deeds as a Muslim, not as a Berber. As a matter

of fact, I am really tired of the whole Arab versus Berber discussion.

He states that religion has the power to unite people, whereas stressing one s

Berber identity will only lead to separation. ‘We re all Moroccans. We re all

Muslims. First, we should be united. Then, we can focus on bridging the cultural

gap. If we continue taking the course the Aynan brothers have taken, we will drift

apart even more.

Schizophrenic intellectuals

The classical labour migration story of Mohamed Saadouni’s parents is almost

identical to that of the Aynans. Via France, Saadouni’s father came to the

Netherlands; fourteen years later his mother and most of the children followed her

husband. Not Saadouni himself though. He stayed back in the southern Moroccan town

of Ouarzazate to finish school. Movie aficionados may know Ouarzazate from the

picturesque surroundings that have lured many film-directors from David Lean to

Oliver Stone.

After finishing his university studies, Saadouni came to Amsterdam to study Arabic

and Berberology at university in Amsterdam and Leiden. He knew the Netherlands well

from visiting his parents during holidays. Today, he is a freelancer working in the

museum world; last year he was guest-curator of the exhibition on Moroccan-Jewish

heritage in the Bijbels Museum. In his spare time, Saadouni is working on his

dissertation about cultural expression in his home region.

‘In the Moroccan situation, it’s really hard to tell the difference between Berbers

and Arabs,’ he says. ‘Arabs, as such, don’t really exist. As soon as a rural Berber

settles in a town, he will be Arabised. On the other hand, no one in Morocco

actually speaks the standard Arabic you are forced to learn at school and that you

hear in the mosque. I had to learn it too, along with French. Outside, I spoke the

local Berber language Tachelhit.’

Under the Moroccan constitution Arabic is the only official language. ‘That has to

change’, says Saadouni. ‘The Berber language needs official protection.’ Still, the

question remains of which Berber language. The further apart speakers of the

different Berber regions are, the more difficult it is to understand one another.

Saadouni confirms this: ‘When I lived in Morocco I didn’t have that much contact

with Riffians; that only changed when I came to live here.’

Winds of change

There is a wind of change blowing through Morocco, though. Ever since the Mohammed

VI came to power in 1999, he has endorsed Berber initiatives such as pilot projects

around education in the Berber language in elementary schools. Things were very

different under the king’s father, recalls Saadouni. ‘In the 1980s, the historian

Ali Azayko called for a revision of official Moroccan history, which is totally

Arab-focused, with no room whatsoever for the role of Berbers. That one sentence

cost him one year of imprisonment.’

Saadouni says he often attends Berber events, although he’s not involved anymore in

Berber organisations, for personal reasons. He applauds Berber activism, however:

‘It’s essential for the promotion of Berber culture. In the Netherlands, next to

cultural events, there’s a lot of activity on the internet, although I don’t always

agree with what’s being said there. I have my reservations about the level of the

discussions, which has to do with a lack of knowledge and experience of the

participants.

‘I would like to see more mature behaviour. Another point of criticism from my side

is that the Berber movement focuses too much on the cultural side of things, and not

enough on the development of social and political awareness,’ he says.

He regrets that some Berbers don’t want have anything to do with Berber identity.

‘Morocco is a schizophrenic country that has Berbers in its government who deny

their own culture. Over here, Laroui is a typical example of a schizophrenic

intellectual. He wants to present an image of himself as a full-blooded Arab while

his parents do have Berber blood running through their veins. He has developed an

inferiority complex; as an Arab he can feel superior, because Arabic is the language

of the Koran and the powers that be.’

Culture, no politics

‘The relation between Berber and Arabic has always been complex,’ confirms Daniela

Merolla, a specialist in Berber literatures and societies at Leiden. ‘As the

language of the Koran, Arabic has a lot of prestige, whereas Berber is looked upon

as the language of the mountain people. Even in Berber areas parents wanted their

children to learn Arabic.’

This year, she will publish a book about the art of Berber narration both in North

Africa and among the diaspora in Europe. In her book, she discusses the relation

between new Berber productions in Morocco and the Netherlands, in the fields of

theatre, film and literature.

‘Artists want to show that Berber is alive in all artistic fields. The cultural

engagement is there, certainly, more than political engagement.’

‘The French colonial politics of divide et impera (divide and rule)’, Merolla says,

‘succeeded in pitting Berber and Arabic speaking people against each other. As a

result, after the independence, the Moroccan authorities considered the Berbers as a

risk for the national unity. An active policy of Arabisation did a lot of damage to

the integration of Moroccan society.’

She does see positive developments, however: ‘In the 1980s, little groups of

intellectuals started to discuss the position of Berber culture within Morocco and

started publishing in Berber. For centuries, it hadn’t been a written language – a

written language was very important for the prestige of that language,’ she

explains. ‘In the same period, labour migration to the Netherlands and other

European countries got into its stride. In Europe there was more freedom of

expression than under the authoritarian Moroccan governments. From the beginning of

the 1990s things picked up speed and Dutch-Moroccan writers like Hafid Bouazza and

Abdelkader Benali became household names, and young Berbers became aware of their

situation, showing interest in their language and culture.’

Merolla stresses that it’s important to realise the situation in Morocco could have

led to violent conflict. ‘But it didn’t,’ she says. ‘The Berber movement may seem

nationalist, but it’s not. It is focused on the cultural side of things. All

Moroccans fought against the Spanish and French colonisers; they all feel Moroccan.’

She acknowledges that relations between Arabic and Berber, here and in Morocco,

remain sensitive. ‘But once Berber language in Morocco has been integrated at all

levels of society, it surely will have its effects in Europe as well.’

Published by Amsterdam Weekly

ORIGINAL SOURCE

Preserved from Agraw’s cultural archive.

FROM THE AGRAW ARCHIVE

From the original article